Awramba Times

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   By  Alemayehu G. Mariam (Prof.)

Note: Over the past week, I have received numerous requests from those who read my last commentary “Ethiopia at the Crossroads of History[1], to share my views on the on the question, “Where do we go from here?” in the aftermath of the so-called May 2010 elections. I am pleased to oblige in a series of forthcoming commentaries. Here I offer my analysis of the “election” and what I perceive to be the ruling regime’s future direction.

The 2010 Election: Putting Lipstick on a Pig

Some say, “You can put lipstick on a pig, but at the end of the day, it is still a pig.” Others say, “You can wrap an old fish in a piece of paper and call it an ‘election’. It’s still gonna stink.” Well, one can certainly say that you can stampede throngs of “esteemed residents of Addis Ababa” into the public square and lecture them on how the “whole world knows the 4th national election has taken place in a peaceful, democratic and credible manner,” but at the end of the day a phony election with a 99.6 percent win is still a phony election. In fact, the spectacular margin of electoral victory claimed by dictator Meles Zenawi is second only to the victory claimed by the late dictator Saddam Hussien who won 100 percent of the 11,454, 638 yes votes in a referendum in 2002.

For the past year, I have been predicting that the 2010 Ethiopian “election” will prove to be a sham, a travesty of democracy and a mockery and caricature of democratic elections.[2] Without my literary and rhetorical flourish, that is now the exact conclusion of the international election observers. The “Preliminary Statement” of the European Union Election Observation Mission- Ethiopia 2010 stated: “The electoral process fell short of certain international commitments, notably regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of a level playing field for all contesting parties.” The White House issued a statement expressing “concern that international observers found that the elections fell short of international commitments. We are disappointed that U.S. Embassy officials were denied accreditation and the opportunity to travel outside of the capital on Election Day to observe the voting.” Johnnie Carson, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in the State Department told the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee that “we note with some degree of remorse that the elections were not up to international standards… The [Ethiopian] government has taken clear and decisive steps that would ensure that it would garner an electoral victory.” Even Herman Cohen, the former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State who served as “mediator” in the so-called May 1991 London Peace Talks which resulted in the establishment of the Zenawi regime decried the outcome: “This time opposition media and opposition groups were not given fair time on the media and opposition media tends to be suppressed and in that sense I don’t think it was a fair election.”

Only the 60-person African Union (AU) observer team led by former Botswana president Ketumile Masire concluded the “elections were free and fair and found no evidence of intimidation and misuse of state resources for ruling party campaigns.” Masire proclaimed:

The [elections] were largely consistent with the African Union regulations and standards and reflect the will of the people… The AU were unable to observe the pre-election period. The participating parties expressed dissatisfaction with the pre-election period. They did not have freedom to campaign. We had no way of verifying the allegations.

With all due respect to Masire, it seems that he made his declaration clueless of the observation standards he is required to follow in the AU Elections Observation and Monitoring Guidelines[Guidelines] [3]. If he had done so, he would have known that there is no logical, factual or documentary basis for him to declare the “elections were largely consistent with the African Union regulations and standards.” For instance, pursuant to Section III 9 (e) of the Guidelines (“MANDATES, RIGHTS AND OBLIGATIONS OF THE OBSERVERS”), Masire’s team had a mandatory duty to “observe the political parties and groups as well as the population at large in the exercise of their political rights, and the conditions in which such rights are to be exercised.” Masire by his own admission made no such observation. (“The AU were unable to observe the pre-election period ’s team made no such observation.”) Under Section V (13), the Guidelines mandate that “AU Observers should ascertain that… (b) all competing political parties have equal access to both the print and the electronic media (radio, T.V.).” Masire said his team “had no way of verifying” pre-election complaints, including complaints of unequal access to state-controlled media. Under Section V (B) (d), the AU observers had a mandatory duty to ascertain “the campaign process is conducted in conditions of serenity, and that there are no acts of provocation or intimidation capable of compromising.” Masire’s team failed to make such inquiries. Under section B (24), the Guidelines mandate: “The atmosphere during the campaign should be carefully observed, and among the factors to consider in this regard include … (iv) persistent or reported cases of human rights violations.” Masire’s team does not appear to be aware of such a requirement, let alone to actually make the observation. It is truly regrettable to say of a former African leader that he showed no evidence of having read or understood the numerous mandatory election observation duties set forth in minute detail in the AU Guidelines before shamelessly and pathetically declaring the elections “were largely consistent with African Union regulations and standards.”

Where Do the Dictators Want to Go From Here?

In his victory speech (an event billed as a public protest against Human Rights Watch for its critical report on the regime), dictator Meles Zenawi boldly stated that he ain’t going nowhere. He is staying put where he has been for the past 19 years. It will be business as usual. The political game will be played out on the same 19 year-old zero-sum field; and his team will always win and everybody else will always lose. But there will be a change in style, form, appearance and public relations in the post- “election” period.

Hide the Iron Fist in a Velvet Glove

“Hide the iron fist in a velvet glove. Speak softly and carry a big stick.” That was the essence of Zenawi’s “victory” speech (a/k/a demonstration against Human Rights Watch) on May 26. It was a grotesquely Churchillian speech. It was Winston Churchill who said, “In war, resolution; in defeat, defiance; in victory, magnanimity”. In the “election” battle, Zenawi was resolute. For months before election day, he had threatened to prosecute opposition leaders for their “inflammatory” and “hateful” campaign statements calculated to “incite violence”. He even threatened to burn them at the stake if they withdrew from the elections at the last minute and agitated the youth to demonstrate in the streets[4]. In his defeat — that is, the complete loss of credibility that comes from winning an election with 99.6 percent of the votes– he was defiant. (By the way, he gave a solemn promise to the 0.4 percent of the people who did not vote for him: “I would like to confirm to those who did not vote for us that we will work hard to look into your reasons for not voting for us with the view to learning from them and correcting any shortcomings on our part. We will work day and night to obtain your support in the next election.” In 2015, the vote will be 100 percent for Zenawi and his party!) In his 99.6 percent electoral “victory”, he was magnanimous – “let bygones be bygones.” (yalefew alfwal.)

The velvet glove/big stick strategy is based on a simple idea of totally demoralizing and humiliating the opposition, hoodwinking the Western donors and simply fooling the people. Zenawi’s velvety message was that he “does not want to be forced to embark upon the business of tracking down people committing crimes. I would like to appeal to some opposition parties… not to force the Government to take measures against them.” He is still carrying a chip on his shoulder from the drubbing his party got in 2005. The opposition humiliated his party in 2005 by wining every seat in Addis Ababa, and now it is their turn to be humiliated. “It is to be recalled that in the last election, five years ago, we, the EPRDF lost every seat in the capital due to our failure to achieve our goals..” Not this time. We won them all. (Hee…hee). In 2005, the opposition accused him of rigging and stealing the election; well, let them get a load this in 2010: “We all know the destructive role some political parties have been playing so far. [They have] attempt[ed] to mar and discredit the polling process. They have tried to cause delay by instructing their observers to arrive late at the polling stations. They have tried to disrupt the queues, make all sorts of shouts and cries,…[and even] sen[t] in their members with grenades to detonate among people queuing at polling stations… We have also observed successful and unsuccessful attempts by members of some of the opposition parties to snatch away ballot boxes and burn the votes of the people.”

But there is an olive branch extended to the opposition wrapped in condescending cordiality and paternalism. Now that the opposition has been vanquished, they will be allowed to lick the crumbs off the table (and the shoes of the victors) as long as they keep their tails between their legs. “We make this pledge to all the parties who did not succeed in getting the support of the people, during this election, that whether or not you have won seats in the parliament, as long as you respect the will of the people and the country’s Constitution and other laws of the land, we will work by consulting and involving you in all major national issues. We are making this pledge not only because we believe that we should be partners… [but also] you have the right to participate and to be heard.” In other words, we will let you speak, if we want to; and we’ll shut you up when we want to. Your political existence depends on our good will, whim and fancy.

Birtukan Midekssa, the first female political party leader in Ethiopia’s recorded history and that country’s no. 1 political prisoner had said it all before she was re-imprisoned for life in December 2008:

The message is clear and this message is not only for me but for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits the ruling party has set and not according to what the country’s Constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.

Now that the “election’ is over, Zenawi will probably trot out the tired old “elders” to begin reconciliation talks to help him buy time until the dust settles around the “elections” controversy. He may even tantalize some opposition leaders with offers of fancy appointments and positions to divide and neutralize them. He is very good at the divide-and-rule thing, which he has successfully used for the past 19 years. Unsurprisingly, some will fall for his tricks, as history shown time and again. He will make promises to democratize, uphold the rile of law and all that just to buy enough time for the opposition and the people to fall deeper into the vortex of hopeless and despair.

The bottom line for Zenawi’s regime is: For the foreseeable future, the opposition will know who the Boss is; and if they have any doubts, the iron fist will be unsheathed from the velvet glove and the big stick pulled out to drive that point home. No political prisoners will be released, including Birtukan Midekssa. More will be added. There will be no independent press. Civic society organizations will not be allowed to operate freely. Judges will remain in the back pockets of the ruling regime. Justice, and pieces of the country, will be up for sale to the highest bidder; and on and on. Business will be conducted in the same way it has for the last 19 years!

Hoodwinking the Donors

The contempt and disregard Zenawi has for the Western donors is exceeded only by his utter scorn for the opposition. He warned the donors with diplomatic finesse: “We have seen those we believed were friends and partners behaving like king makers and an appeal court for Ethiopia’s politics. Our proud people would still like to extend a warm welcome of friendship and partnership. We say to you: Please give due respect to the decision and the sovereign power of the people to elect their own leaders.” His strategy in dealing with the Western donors is simple: He is the only game in town. The donors have no alternatives to him because he has wiped out the opposition. The donors want stability above all things and will tolerate anything he does. They don’t really believe in democracy and human rights anyway; they believe only in advancing their national interests. They do not have the guts to take any action against him because he will threaten to cut them off and go with the Chinese. In any case, they have never taken any serious actions against him and never will. He regards them as a bunch of hypocritical, forked-tongue, double-dealing and double-talking windbags. America is not going to do anything because of her preoccupation with terrorism in the Horn. To ease the criticism on the donors, he will give them diplomatic cover by touting that he has achieved “double digit economic growth”, built roads, schools and other infrastructure. In any case, if push comes to shove, he will attack them by claiming that they are interfering in the country’s sovereignty and affronting the Ethiopian people.

If truth be told, Zenawi would not be necessarily inaccurate in his view. The U.S., Britain and the European Union have poured in tens of billions of dollars of aid to support his regime for nearly two decades while pontificating about democracy and human rights endlessly. They took no action when he passed a so-called press law criminalizing free speech and the free press. They just moaned and groaned about it a little. They took no action when he passed a so-called civic society law that effectively banned civic organizations. They have taken no action against him despite a nearly two decade uninterrupted record of gross human rights violations and criminality. All they have done is dump the blame on the opposition: “There is no viable alternative in the opposition.” They know full well that the opposition is subjected to daily threats, intimidations, arbitrary arrests and detentions and violence, yet they have mustered the audacity to blame them for being “not viable”. As I have argued previously[5], the Western donors have entered into a conspiracy of silence to see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil of Zenawi.

You Can Fool All of the People All of the Time on Planet Ethiopia

It is said that “you may fool all the people some of the time, you can even fool some of the people all of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all the time.” Not so for Zenawi and company on Planet Ethiopia. If you think you have fooled the people for 20 years, you can try and fool them for another five or more. In his speech, Zenawi told the people:

The voters have given us their support freely and democratically. Women are the real backbone of our organization… The youth of our country who have started to benefit from the ongoing development. We are ready to learn from [our] mistakes…. The important point in the election process is not the result of the election. It is not about which party won the election. It is Ethiopia’s renewal. The winner is Ethiopia’s democracy and all Ethiopians. We say congratulations to all the electorate and to our country’s forces of peace and democracy… The residents of Addis Ababa are fully aware of our respect for their decision. I believe that the people of Ethiopia, beyond recognizing the efforts of the EPRDF and voting it into power have unequivocally sent a clear message to the opposition parties in our country…

It is all about humility and how they can learn from their mistakes and all of the improvements they will make to earn the trust and confidence of the people and so on. We have heard it all before. No need to recite that litany of lies and false promises. Of course, if Zenawi wants to find out the truth all he has to do is ask the people one simple question: Are they better off today than they were in 2005?

I have expressed my views on the limitations of the regime on previous occasions[6]:

The dictators of Ethiopia are trapped in a historical time warp. They have clutched the reigns of state for two decades and ostentatiously display the trappings of political power and wealth. But they have not been able to transform ‘bushcraft’ into statecraft… In their armed campaign against the Derg junta, decision-making was left in the hands of the few. The few leaders exercised raw, brute power over their followers and the communities they controlled. They silenced dissent and criticism ruthlessly, and leaders who disagreed were marginalised, labeled as traitors and removed. Everything was done in secrecy. Power was understood not as a public duty but as a means of self-enrichment, political patronage and intimidation. Leadership meant the cult of personality. The best they have been able to do is to transform the ‘politics of the bush’ fighting the Derg into a one-man, one-party state, whose guiding motto is, ‘What is good for the TPLF/EPDRF is good for Ethiopia!’

The transition from ‘bushcraft’ to statecraft requires tectonic transformations. Democratic statecraft requires an appreciation, understanding and application of basic democratic principles such as the rule of law, separation of powers, checks and balances and constitutionalism in the governance process. The dictators have little experience with or practical understanding of such principles… They never had free elections in the bush; and it is no wonder that they were totally surprised when they got thumped in the 2005 elections. Upholding the rule of law is absurd to them because they believe themselves to be THE LAW… They scoff at civil liberties and civil rights as Western luxuries because they never lived in a system where the powers of government are constitutionally subordinated to the rights of the individual. In short, it is wishful thinking to expect from them the kind of statecraft necessary for democratic governance.

Mr. Zenawi and company need to understand a simple fact about elections: “Politicians are like diapers. They both need changing regularly and for the same reason.” Arrrrgh! The thought of poor Ethiopia wearing the same diapers for another 5 years….

By Barry Malone

(Reuters) – Ethiopia has rejected a claim by a rebel group that it has taken control of a gas field in the country’s Ogaden region being explored by Malaysian state oil company Petronas.

Firms including Petronas and Vancouver-based Africa Oil Corporation are exploring the Ogaden for potential oil and gas reserves.

The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a group that wants more autonomy for the region, regularly warns foreign firms to leave the area’s deserts. Commercial amounts of oil and gas have not yet been extracted.

“Special forces of the Ogaden National Liberation Front yesterday liberated and are now in control of the Hilala field in Eastern Ogaden,” the rebels said in a statement.

“Troops of the regime abandoned the field after being surrounded by our forces and determining their chances for survival were slim,” the group said late on Saturday.

The Ethiopian government head of information, Bereket Simon, told Reuters the statement from the insurgent group was “a complete lie.”

“This is a well-protected area, no force could take it over, let alone the ONLF who we have driven to total disarray,” Bereket said. “They’re simply fabricating stories and trying to live on in the media. They just want to create news.”

The government says the Hilala field and the nearby Calub field, together covering 350,000 sq km, are believed to have gas reserves of 4 trillion cubic feet. Petronas has been working on both sites since 2007.

BRITON KILLED

A British geologist was shot dead last month in the Ogaden while working for IMC Geophysics International, subcontracted to Petronas. The ONLF denied involvement and the government said “bandits” were responsible.

Local media and the ONLF said the Malaysian firm has recently suspended operations in the Ogaden region.

“If this is the case, Petronas has chosen wisely and this decision will not be forgotten,” the ONLF said.

The company could not immediately be reached for comment.

Ethiopian forces launched an assault against the ONLF — who have been fighting for more than 20 years — after a 2007 attack on an oil exploration field owned by a subsidiary of China’s Sinopec Corp, Asia’s biggest refiner.

Analysts say the rebels are incapable of ousting the government but can hamper development and weaken security forces in the Ogaden with hit-and-run attacks.

The government this month told Reuters its allied-militias in the region had been attacked by the ONLF.

In November, the group said it had captured seven towns in the region and killed almost 1,000 Ethiopian troops and government-allied militiamen. The government confirmed the rebel assault but Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said they had been “crushed.”

By Dawit Kebede

service providers have performed extensive technical tests and determined that ESAT transmissions have been targeted for multiple interference from unknown sources

Here is the press release given by the ESAT management

 For the past three days and intermittently before that, Ethiopian Satellite Service (ESAT) broadcasts in Ethiopia have been interrupted due to undetermined electronic interference. Following preliminary investigations, we have confirm the following facts: Our service providers have performed extensive technical tests and determined that ESAT transmissions have been targeted for multiple interference from unknown sources. Once the interference was detected, our service providers made appropriate adjustments to overcome the interfering signal. That effort worked temporarily and ESAT was back on the air. In the last 72 hours, the interfering signal was boosted jamming ESAT signals once again. Our service providers have performed additional tests and determined that the multiple interference is targeted only at ESAT broadcasts and none of their other broadcasts. Our service providers are continuing their investigations of the interference and seeking appropriate solutions. ESAT asks its viewers and supporters to continue their support of the service. ESAT management wishes to assure its viewers and supporters that it will pursue its commitment to meet its mission objectives. ESAT Management _________________ Contact: Abebe Belew at abelewd@yahoo.com

By Dawit Kebede

Awramba Times (Addis Ababa) — The European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Ethiopia, said that the elections fell short of certain international commitments, notably the lack of level playing field for all parties and the transparency of the process.

Thijs Berman, the EU’s chief observer, said the weekend vote had been peaceful, but there were inequalities that favored the ruling party leading up to the election.

“The sheer volume and consistency of these complaints is a matter of concern,” said the chief observer on a press conference held today. “These shortcomings lead us to the conclusion that this electoral process falls short of certain international commitments.” According to Thijs Berman his mission observed that the ruling party had at times used state resources for campaign purposes, contributing to an unlevel playing field leaning in favour of the ruling party in many areas.

While EU EOM briefing at the Hilton hotel today; a rally was called by the ruling party as provisional returns showed a victory for the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and its allies. Final results will be announced in late June.

An announcer at this rally read out slogans from signs held up by the ruling party supporters criticizing foreign rights groups. Some of the slogans read: “We chose our leaders, accept the results” and “Stop second guessing us.”

The press release of EU EOM states that the media generally ensured a neutral tone when covering main campaign events; however, more than 50% of campaign coverage was given to the ruling party in the state owned media. The media were cautious in their reporting.

The EU EOM will stay in Ethiopia to observe the tabulation of the results and the announcement of the final results. It will issue its final report within two months of the completion of the entire electoral process.  

By Tristan McConnell (TIME Online) 

Soon after polling stations opened at 6am dozens of voters queued patiently in the morning light outside a school administration building in the crossroads town of Mojo, central Ethiopia.

Residents to cast their vote at a polling station in Nazreth (Photo Awramba Times)

Here and elsewhere in Africa’s second most populous country yesterday’s election got off to a calm and well-organised start, but opposition groups were quick to allege intimidation and irregularities.

In Mojo officers given the task of explaining the voting process to the people as they arrived at polling stations informed voters that all but one of the town’s candidates for the national parliamentary elections had withdrawn at the last minute.

“The only party is the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation,” Bekele Gurmu, the officer in charge of one station, said. OPDO is part of the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, in power since 1991.

After listening to the announcement Hailu Gemechu, 45, a finance manager, was suspicious. “I don’t think the briefing is true; it could be cheating,” he said. Opposition leaders alleged that similar incidents were being reported elsewhere.

Negasso Gidada, a former president of Ethiopia and a member of Medrek, the opposition coalition, said: “I am hearing that electoral officials are telling voters that I have withdrawn from the election, that my party has withdrawn from the election.”

Mr Negasso insisted that his party’s candidate in Mojo had not pulled out. “It looks as if the EPRDF is rigging this election,” he said. Within hours of the poll beginning, Medrek, which is fielding 421 candidates for the 547-member parliament, said that it may reject the result.

Officials from the national electoral board did not answer calls but a ruling party spokesman denied that the EPRDF was trying to cheat to win the election. “If they reject the result before it’s declared, it means they know they have lost it squarely,” said Simon Bereket, a government spokesman.

At the last national poll in 2005 opposition supporters took to the streets to protest against what they said was a stolen election, and 193 protesters and seven policemen died in the ensuing violence. A crackdown followed in which opposition politicians, their supporters and journalists, were locked up.

Mr Meles’s Government has denied charges that it is growing more autocratic, stifles dissent and intimidates opponents. Final results are not expected until next month but electoral officials say that preliminary figures may be available as early as tomorrow. Mr Meles is widely expected to win a large majority of the 32 million votes.

- የ1992 እና የ1997 ምርጫ ካርድ ይዘው ለመምረጥ ሙከራ ያደረጉ ተያዙ ፖሊስ እርምጃ አልወሰደባቸውም

-  በአዋሳ የቦርዱ የድምጽ መስጫ ወረቀት  ከአንድ ቀን በፊት በግለሰቦች እጅ ተገኘ

አውራምባ ታይምስ፡- (አዲስ አበባ) ዘንድሮ በሚካሄደው ምርጫ የኢህአዴግ ዋነኛ ተቀናቃኝ ሆኖ የቀረበው የተቃዋሚዎች ስብስብ የሆነው መድረክ ም/ሊቀመንበር ምርጫው በብዙ መመዘኛዎች ነጻና ፍትሃዊ እንዳልሆነ ገለጸ። የመድረክ ምክትል ሊቀመንበር ኢ/ር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው ለአውራምባ ታይምስ እንደገለጹት የመድረክ ታዛቢዎች ከምርጫ ጣቢያዎች በጉልበት እንዲባረሩ ተደርጔል ብለዋል። በተለያዩ የአገሪቱ አካባቢዎች የተሰማሩ የአውራምባ ታይምስ ዘጋቢዎች ያጠናቀሩት ዘገባ እንደሚያሳየው የዘንድሮ ምርጫ ለየት ያሉ አስገራሚ ክስተቶች የተስተዋሉበት ነው።

ዓድዋ

መድረክን በመወከል ዛሬ ረፋዱ ላይ በአድዋ ደብርቲ ምርጫ ጣቢያ ድምጻቸውን የሰጡት የጠ/ሚ መለስ ዜናዊ ተፎካካሪ ወ/ሮ አረጋሽ አዳነ በስፍራው ለተገኘው ባልደረባችን ውብሸት ታዬ የምርጫው ሂደት ፍትሃዊነት የጎደለው እንደሆነ ገልጸውለታል።

Meles in Adwa

በድምጽ መስጫ ጣቢያዎች የነበሩ የምርጫ ታዛቢዎች ሁኔታዉን ላለማየት ፊታቸውን አዙረው መቀመጣቸውን የገለጹት ወ/ሮ አረጋሽ በዚህ ሁኔታ ታዛቢ ተብለው መቀመጣቸው ፋይዳ የሌለው ነው ሲሉ አስተያየታቸውን ሰጥተዋል። የድምጽ አሰጣጡን በተለመከተ ሚስጥራዊ አልነበረም የሚሉት ወ/ሮ አረጋሽ ምስጢራዊ የድምጽ አሰጣጥ ለነጻና ፍትሐዊ ምርጫ አይነተኛ ማረጋገጫ መሆኑ እየታወቀ እኔ በምወዳደርበት የምርጫ ክልል የድምጽ አሰጣጡ ሚስጥራዊነት የጎደለው መሆኑ አሳዝኖኛል ብለዋል ። ወ/ሮ አረጋሽ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ በምርጫ ቅስቀሳው ወቅት ከሌሎች ዕጩ ተወዳዳሪዎች በተለየ ሁኔታ የእርሳቸው የቅስቀሳ ፖስተሮች ብቻ ተመርጠው መገንጠላቸውንም ለአውራምባ ታይምስ ዘጋቢ በሰጡት ቃለምልልስ ላይ ተናግረዋል።

አዲስ አበባ

ኢንጅነር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው በሚወዳደሩበት ወረዳ 17 አንዳንድ መራጮች የ1992 እና የ1997 ዓ.ም የምርጫ ካርድ ይዘው ለመምረጥ ሲሞክሩ ተይዘዋል።

አምቦ

በአምቦ የሚገኘው የአውራምባ ታይምስ ዘጋቢ ፍጹም ማሞ ያነጋገራቸው ዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና የዘንድሮ ምርጫ ብዙ ችግሮች እንዳሉበት ገልጸው ኢህአዴግ ምርጫ ባያደርግና አንደኛውኑ እንደ ኢሳያስ ቢሆን ይሻላል ብለዋል። በአምቦ – ጉደር ምርጫ ጣቢያ ሁለት የተገኙ የመድረክ ታዛቢ አቶ ለማ ጫሉማ በበኩላቸው ለዘጋቢያችን በሰጡት አስተያየት አንድ መራጭ የአራት ሰው ድምጽ ሲሰጥ በአይኔ አይቻለሁ ብለዋል። የምርጫ ጣቢያው ምርጫ አስፈጻሚ የሆኑት አቶ ታገሰ ነገሱ ግን በዚሁ የምርጫ ጣቢያ ምንም የተፈጠረ ነገር የለም የተባለው ሁሉ ሀሰት ነው ብለዋል። ከዚሁ ከአምቦ ሳንወጣ ሌላው ዘጋቢያችን ያስተዋለው አስገራሚ ነገር የምርጫ ታዛቢዎች በምርጫ ጣቢያው ውስጥ በጄሪካን ጠላ ቀርቦላቸው ጠላቸውን እያጣጣሙና ቆሎ እየቆረጠሙ ሲታዘቡ ተስተውላል። ይህንኑ በተመለከተ አስተያየታቸውን ለአውራምባ ታይምስ የገለጹት የመድረክ ከፍተኛ አመራር አባል ዶ/ር መረራ ጊዲና “ታዛቢ በሌለበት የተደረገ ምርጫን ውጤት አንቀበልም” ብለዋል።

አዋሳ

በአዋሳ የሚገኘው ዘጋቢያችን ያደረሰን ዜና እንደሚያሳየው የክልሉ ርዕሰ መስተዳድር የሆኑት አቶ ሽፈራው ሽጉጤ በሚወዳደሩበት የምርጫ ክልል የፓርቲዎች የድምጽ መስጫ ወረቀት  በግለሰቦች እጅ መገኘቱን የአካባቢው የመኢአድ እጩዎች አስታወቁ በጉዳዩ ላይ የምርጫ አስፈጻሚዎች በሰጡት አስተያየት ይህ የተደረገው መራጩ ህዝብ ግንዛቤ እንዲያገኝ ታስቦ የተደረገ ነው ብለዋል። ነገር ግን የድምጽ መስጫ ሰነድ የሚከፈተው ምርጫው በሚከናወንበት ዕለት በጠዋቱ 12፡00 ሰዓት ታዛቢዎች በተገኙበት እንደሆነ ይታወቃል።

አዳማ

በአዳማ የተለያዩ የምርጫ ክልሎች የተዘዋወረው ዘጋቢያችን በበኩሉ ሶስት እጩዎች ከምርጫው ራሳቸውን እንዳገለሉ አስተውለዋል። ከእነዚህ እጩዎች መካከል ሁለቱም አቶ ጎበና ኑሩ ከመድረክ እና አቶ ብርሃኑ ተሾመ ከመኢአድ  ይገኙበታል።

አውራምባ ታይምስ (አዲስ አበባ) ድምጻዊ ቴዎድሮስ ካሳሁን (ቴዲአፍሮ) ገጭቶ በማምለጥ ወንጀል ክስ ተመስርቶበት ወህኒ በወረደበት ወቅት ጉዳዩን የያዙት ጠበቃ ሚሊዮን አሰፋ በሰሜን ሸዋ ፍቼ ከተማ  ኢህአዴግን በመወከል  እንደሚወዳደሩ ታወቀ፡፡

Teddy Afro

በፊቼ ከተማ በተለያዩ ስፍራዎች ተለጥፎ የሚገኘው የኢህአዴግ ዕጩዎችን ዝርዝር የያዘ ፖስተር እንደሚያሳየው አቶ ሚሊዮን አሰፋ ኦህዴድ/ኢህአዴግን በመወከል ለፓርላማ መቅረባቸውን ያሳያል፡፡

በጉዳዩ ላይ የድምጻዊ ቴዎድሮስ ካሳሁንን አስተያየት ለማካተት ያደረግነው ሙከራ አልተሳካም፡፡

By Alemayehu G. Mariam(Prof.)

Note: Except for elements inserted in the nature of narrative license, syntax and independently established facts, this “interview” is based on English or Amharic translations of  public statements, hearing testimony, speeches and other declarations[[1]] of Birtukan Midekssa, the first woman political party leader in Ethiopian history and that country’s  most famous political prisoner. Her re-imprisonment in December 2008 on allegations of denying a pardon was a tactical move by dictator Meles Zenawi to incapacitate and eliminate his only serious and formidable challenger in the May 2010 “elections”. In March 2010, the U.S. State Department declared Birtukan a political prisoner. In January 2010, the United Nations Human Rights Council listed her as a victim of arbitrary detention. Amnesty International named Birtukan a prisoner of conscience in 2009.

This “interview” is done partly for the benefit of Western governments and their diplomatic representatives in Ethiopia in light of the May 2010 “elections”.  It seems that Western governments in general have taken a solemn vow to say nothing, see nothing and hear nothing about Birtukan. As they hide behind a diplomatic shield of shame and give lip service to democratic ideals while coddling a dictator, I hope with this “interview” they will at least begin to appreciate this extraordinarily brilliant, thoughtful, enlightened, perceptive, humorous, cultured, humble and compassionate Ethiopian woman political leader.

I had the great honor and privilege to meet Birtukan in the Fall of 2007 when she led a delegation of Coalition for Unity and Democracy (Kinijit) party leaders visiting the United States. On numerous occasions, I have publicly expressed my highest respect, greatest admiration, deepest gratitude and boundless appreciation for Birtukan’s sacrifices in the cause of democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia.

Q. Let’s start by talking about your situation in Akaki federal prison over the past year and half. We are told that your “health is in perfect condition”, you have picked up a “few kilos” and could use some physical exercise. How is life in prison?

Birtukan: Correction! You mean life at the Akaki Hilton Spa and Resort? Well, the food here is excellent and so are the accommodations.  I have my own special room. I like to call it my boudoir. They call it “Solitary Confinement”. It is true that I have “gained a few kilos”, but that is because I spend all of my time in my room. “C’est la vie” at the Akaki Hilton, as they say in French.

Q. The reason you were returned to prison to serve out a life term is that you allegedly denied receiving a pardon when you were released in July, 2007. Did you deny receiving a pardon?

Birtukan: I have never denied signing the pardon document as an individual prisoner.  I, along with the other opposition political prisoners, asked for pardon through the elders according to the document that was written on June 18, 2007. This is a fact I can not change even if I wanted to. In my opinion the reason why all these illegal intimidations and warnings were aimed at me have nothing to do with playing with words, inaccurate statements I made or any violations of law. The message is clear and this message is not only for me but for all who are active in the peaceful struggle. A peaceful and law-abiding political struggle can be conducted only within the limits the ruling party has set and not according to what the country’s Constitution allows. And for me it is extremely difficult to accept this.

Q. As you know, elections are scheduled for May 23, 2010. Do you have any thoughts on that?

Birtukan: It is hard for me to say much locked up at the Akaki Hilton. I get no newspapers, magazines or books. I have no radio or television. But I can tell you how it was in 2005 and you can judge for yourself what the situation is like today.

In 2005, public interest and participation in the electoral process was massive. The European Union Observer team estimated voter registration at no less than 85% of all eligible voters, based on lists containing 25,605,851 names of registered persons. The total number of candidates for the House of Peoples’ Representatives was 1,847. A total of 3,762 candidates ran for Regional Councils. The total number of women candidates to the House of Peoples’ Representatives was 253, and 700 in the Regional Councils.

To its credit the government in 2005 allowed limited media access, established a Joint Political Party Forum at national and constituency levels, regular consultations with electoral authorities to resolve problems in campaign and election administration, special elections-related training programs for the police and the judiciary, pledges of non-violence between the ruling and opposition parties for election day and invitation of international election observers and so on.

As election day approached, the government started to use its power to influence the outcome of the election. There was widespread interference by local authorities in the conduct of public gatherings and opposition party rallies, threats and intimidations by some local public officials. In some instances, force was used to disrupt public gatherings and detain opposition supporters throughout the country. In the days preceding the elections, there was a spike in negative campaigns on radio and television using images and messages designed to intimidate by associating the genocide in Rwanda with opposition politics.

Even though the Election Board was required to announce the official results on June 8, that requirement was superseded when Prime Minister Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency, outlawed any public gathering, assumed direct command of the security forces, and replaced the capital city police with federal police and special military units. The Elections Board simultaneously ordered the vote tallying process to stop, and on May 27, the Board released its determination that the ruling party, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front had won 209 seats, and affiliated parties 12 more. The report indicated opposition parties had won 142 seats.  Our party filed complaints in 139 constituencies, the UEDF lodged 89 complaints, while the EPRDF raised concerns over irregularities in more than 50 seats.

That’s how it was back in 2005.

Q. The ruling regime continues to make public accusations that the opposition in the current “election” is inciting violence as it did in 2005. Recent public statements from the highest levels of the ruling regime indicate that any attempts by opposition parties to boycott the election, complaints of harassment and intimidations and agitations of youth to engage in violence will be dealt with harshly after the elections. How do you assess the situation?

Birtukan: As the 2005 elections have shown, if there is any violence to occur in the current election it is not going to come from the opposition. The Inquiry Commission established by the government in 2005 to look into the killings and excessive use of force against demonstrators decided that there was not a single protester who was armed with a gun or a hand grenade as alleged by the government. The shots fired by government forces were not intended to disperse the crowd of protesters but to kill them by targeting their heads and chests. The historical facts speak for themselves. If there is election related violence today, one need look no further than the usual suspects.

Q. The ruling regime likes to trumpet to the world that Ethiopia is governed democratically, human rights are fully protected and the rule of law observed. Do you agree with these claims?

Birtukan: Dictatorship and democracy are not the same thing. There is no democracy in Ethiopia today, despite empty claims of “recent bold democratic initiatives taken by our government, the immense progress in creating a competitive, pluralistic system of government and a more open civil society.” The fact of the matter is that there is neither pluralism nor commitment to democratic principles and practices in Ethiopia. The government’s claim of political pluralism has not gone beyond the stage of political sloganeering. If pluralism involves widespread participation and a greater feeling of commitment from citizens, it does not exist today in Ethiopia. If pluralism means increased and diverse participation in the political decision-making process and giving everyone a stake in the political process, it does not exist in Ethiopia. If pluralism means a process where every voice is heard, conflict is resolved by dialogue and compromise and an atmosphere of tolerance, understanding and respect is nurtured, that does not exist either. But democracy in Ethiopia today must not only reflect the values of pluralism, it must also be genuinely participatory, transparent, accountable, equitable and based on the rule of law.  We are all aware that democracy in Ethiopia will not be accomplished overnight. But we must start the process now in earnest by installing its critical pillars of support.

Q. What are the pillars you believe are important in establishing democracy in Ethiopia?

Birtukan: The are many. Let me start by mentioning the need for an independent judiciary. I know a thing or two about that having served as a judge and also being a victim of a judicial system that has me imprisoned for life. In 2005, I and the various opposition leaders were prosecuted for various state crimes including genocide, treason, incitement to violence, leading armed rebellion and other charges. Our prosecution occurred in a court system that has little institutional independence, and one subject to political influence and manipulation from the ruling regime. It is a judiciary that is used as a tool of political harassment, intimidation and persecution. Judges are selected not for professionalism or legal knowledge but for their loyalty to the government.

It is universally accepted that an independent and professional judiciary is a key element in the institutionalization of the rule of law, the promotion and protection of human rights and even in implementing social and economic reform in society. The U.N. Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other documents recognize the central importance of an independent judiciary as the guarantors of due process and justice. Judicial independence is guaranteed by Article 78 of the Ethiopian Constitution but it does not exist in reality.  Although judges are supposed to be free of party politics, many are under the direct control of the party in power, if not outright members. With the judiciary under effective political control, there is little confidence in its institutional powers or the legitimacy of its rulings. If we can not have serious judicial reforms, not only will we be unable to protect the rights of citizens, we will always live under the rule of the gun instead of the rule of law.

Q. What other pillars of democracy do you believe are missing in Ethiopia?

Birtukan: Press freedom is another essential requirement necessary for building democracy in Ethiopia. Without a free press, there can be no meaningful democracy. People in Ethiopia, particularly in the rural areas, do not have access to important political information because of exclusive government control of the media. Political parties need to have equal access to media controlled by the government so that they can effectively communicate with the people. Various international human organizations have ranked Ethiopia at the top of the list of countries where there is little freedom of press. The U.S. and other Western governments can help by promoting private electronic media and supporting the emergence of private newspapers, weeklies and magazines to help develop a well-informed public.

Q. What are your views on the electoral process, and what improvements to that process do you believe are needed?

Birtukan: First, all elections must be free and fair in order for citizens to meaningfully participate in shaping the political makeup and future policy direction of government. People must be free to register to vote or run for public office. Candidates and parties must be free to engage the voters without intimidation or harassment. There must be an independent free press to provide information to the voters. The freedom to assemble for political rallies and campaigns must be guaranteed. There must also be an impartial system of conducting elections and verifying election results. It was the lack of independence, impartiality and transparency of the Ethiopian National Electoral Board that was one of the factors that complicated the resolution of the dispute in the 2005 elections. We need an elections board that is representative of all the political parties and enjoys the public trust. People need to have confidence that their votes are counted properly and there is no elections fraud.

Q. How do you assess the human rights situation in Ethiopia?

Birtukan: Human rights are the basic rights and freedoms to which all humans are entitled. Many of these rights are secured under international law and the Ethiopian Constitution. The ruling regime has sought to put up a façade of commitment to human and democratic rights. But its practices contravene all of its obligations under the Ethiopian constitution and the human rights conventions that bind Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Constitution under Art. 14 enumerates all of the “human rights” enjoyed by Ethiopian citizens. Arts. 14-28 enumerate these rights and include basic protections against arbitrary government actions and guarantees of due process. Art. 13, sec. 2 states “The fundamental rights and freedoms enumerated in this Chapter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international human rights covenants and conventions ratified by Ethiopia.”

The fact is that the ruling regime observes neither its own constitution nor the requirements of well-established international human rights conventions. The regime’s own Inquiry Commission in 2005 has documented widespread excessive use of force by government security forces. The human rights violations committed by the ruling regime are so numerous and egregious that it would be too difficult to list them all here. But I wish to cite a few examples documented in the U.S. State Department Human Rights Report for 2006.

That report stated that “Although the [Ethiopian] constitution and law prohibit the use of torture and mistreatment, there were numerous credible reports that security officials often beat or mistreated detainees.” Massive arrests and detentions are common, and the Report concluded, “Although the [Ethiopian] constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the government frequently did not observe these provisions in practice…. Authorities regularly detained persons without warrants and denied access to counsel and family members, particularly in outlying regions… The independent commission of inquiry… found that security officials held over 30,000 civilians incommunicado for up to three months in detention centers located in remote areas… Other estimates placed the number of such detainees at over 50,000.”

Q. Do you think Western governments, particularly the U.S., can play a role in improving the overall situation in Ethiopia?

Birtukan: As the largest donor country, the U.S is in the best position to promote democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia. In general, Western governments must insist on the release of all political prisoners and the immediate restoration of democratic rights. They must insist on accountability and transparency since they provide substantial aid to keep the government afloat. They must promote human rights by supporting civic society organizations and implementing other mechanisms that can facilitate adequate monitoring and reporting of human rights violations. The West must insist on the functioning of a free press without censorship and restrictive press laws, and help strengthen private media in Ethiopia.  The West can also play a central role in the electoral process by ensuring fraud-free elections, helping political parties build more effective organizations and campaigns, strengthening civil society groups to function as facilitators in the democratic process and professionalization of the National Election Board to help it become fair and balanced. On the other hand, we want to make sure that U.S. security assistance to Ethiopia be used for peacekeeping and counter-terrorism operations, and never against the civilian population.

Q. What are your views on the future of Ethiopia?

Birtukan: I believe Ethiopia is the country of the future. Ethiopia has many problems, including a legacy of repression, ethnic division, corruption, mismanagement, lack of accountability and transparency. It will not be easy for us to confront the past and move on with lessons learned. The most important task now is to build the future country of Ethiopia by fully embracing democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Only through dialogue, negotiation and compromise can justice, stability and peace be guaranteed in Ethiopia.

Thank you Birtukan for this “interview”. Stay strong!

Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. He writes a regular blog on The Huffington Post, and his commentaries appear regularly on pambazuka.org, allafrica.com, newamericamedia.org and other sites.

By Bucknell Magazine

LEWISBURG, PENNSYLVANIA — In December, an Ethiopian court sentenced Bucknell University Professor of Economics Berhanu Nega, former mayor of Addis Ababa, to death in absentia for terrorism.

Berhanu Nega, Professor of Economics at Bucknell University

Q: Your colleagues and friends understand that this charge is bogus, but do you hear from others who don’t?

A: I haven’t heard from anyone who takes this as a serious judicial decision — only the Ethiopian government and its blind supporters. Even the government knows that the decision of the court is nothing but a reflection of the regime’s desires rather than based on any reasonable evidence. It sends a message to the public — there is no court to save you, you live by our rules, if you question our rules, we will do what we want, and no one will stop us.

Q: The death sentence is real, and you were jailed under the Zenawi government. Are you afraid?

A: One of the reasons you struggle for freedom and liberty is because you feel that life isn’t meaningful without liberty. I am not worried — not because the government would not try to harm me, but I now live in a society of laws that will protect me. You can’t live in fear. If you allow this kind of fear to determine your actions, dictatorships will exist forever.

Q: What sustained you while you were imprisoned?

A: First, the Ethiopian people and their yearning for freedom. While I was incredibly disappointed by U.S. and European policymakers and diplomats when I was in prison, I also was hearing about Bucknell, my colleagues, students and people at other universities supporting freedom. This connection at the human level, that people love and support freedom everywhere, recognizing that freedom is a human condition, is the hope for humanity that keeps you going. It was a source of hope for me when I was in prison, and I suspect for all people fighting for liberty around the world.

Q: What is your hope for Ethiopia?

A: Unless the international community takes the position of outrage as it did in Guinea, the government will not change. The brutality of this regime is mind boggling. This is a government known for committing genocide against its people. Its basic strategy is to stay in power by terrorizing people and by dividing them on primordial grounds. There are several groups fighting against the government. Unless there is a serious intervention, the whole region will blow up. I encourage Western policymakers to recognize what is happening and adjust their policy before it is too late to make a difference. The only credible and durable solution for the region, in my view, is the democratization of Ethiopia.

By Dawit Kebede

Negaso Gidada And Bereket Simon

 Awramba Times (ADDIS ABABA) — Days after the government accused the opposition coalition (Medrek) of killing a policeman in the Oromiya region, gunmen have shot dead an activist of this coalition. “Girma Kabe was putting up posters for the election and was shot down in daylight,” Negaso Gidada, public relations head of the eight-party Medrek opposition coalition, told Awramba Times. Ethiopia holds elections on May 23 and both the government and its main rival, the Forum for Democracy and Dialogue (Medrek), have stepped up allegations of harassment, including killings. “Our activist was killed on April 26 in the Werejarso locality of Oromya region, the same province where similar attacks have taken place during the past two months.” said Negaso. “Authorities have dismissed it as a personal argument, but we have suspicions that the ruling party might have something to do with it,” he added. Government spokesman Bereket Simon, Minister of Government Communication Office dismissed the claim. “this person in the first place was not a member of their group,” he told AFP. “He was killed during a fight with an armed person. It wasn’t politically motivated, millions of Ethiopians have personal firearms,” Bereket added. The opposition says that three of its members have been killed since campaigning began. With one incident taking place in the northern Tigray region. The ruling party says opposition members killed one of its candidates last week and murdered a policeman on Saturday night. The government said on Saturday that a grenade was thrown into a meeting of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), killing two people and wounding 14. The OPDO is part of the country’s ruling coalition. Tensions have risen in recent weeks as the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) party and the opposition bloc accuse each other of attacking supporters.